By
Criminologist
MATTHEW G. YEAGER
Ottawa, Ontario

January 31, 1996

Abstract

This review is a survey of the empirical literature on the relationship between immigrants and criminality, focusing on Canada, the United States, Continental Europe, and Australia. First and foremost is the finding that this issue has historically been associated with xenophobia and racism.

In Canada, the United States, and Australia, the criminality of first-generation immigrants has been less than that for the native-born. Official crime statistics for Europe seem to suggest a different picture, with immigrants showing higher offense and imprisonment rates than the native-born. However, self-report studies contradict this finding, and when controls are introduced for age, sex, and other socio-economic characteristics; these differences largely disappear. Thus, it is not ethnicity or immigration status which predispose people to criminality, but the domestic characteristics of the host country -- including the manner in which it processes and criminalizes behavior.

Complicating this picture is the much higher rates of delinquency for second-and-third generation immigrants (born in their host country). This group seems to suffer cultural anomie and marginalization, producing high rates of criminality that are really the product of classic percursors to delinquency: poverty, racism, school failure, unemployment, drug addiction, and family disorganization.

In conclusion, "It would be felicitous to be able to record that current evidence suggest we ought to be able to dispense with the immigrant criminal myth. However, as one reviewer put it, such popular demonologies seem able to survive any amount of exorcism."

This Research Paper was written for the Strategic Research and Analysis Branch, Policy Sector, Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration Canada, under Contract No. 9552- 95-0013. The author wishes to especially thank Meyer Burstein, Director General, and Andrei Grushman, Director, International Migration and Control Division, for their support of this research.

Special thanks are also in order to my many friends and colleagues in North America, Europe and Australia who assisted with this effort: especially Phyllis Schultz, Criminal Justice Collection, Rutgers University; John Myrtle, Principal Librarian, Australian Institute of Criminology; Ms. Irmtrand Bader, Head Librarian, Institute of Criminology (Tubingen, Germany): Catherine Matthews, Head Librarian, Centre of Criminology, University of Toronto; and Ugljesa Zvekic, Research Co-ordinator, U.N. Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute, Rome, Italy. With much gratitude, I would also like to thank Dr. Tadeusz Grygier, Professor of Criminology, Emeritus, University of Ottawa, for serving as a reader of this paper.

As always, I would not have been able to complete this paper without the love and support of my wife, Carolyn. Points of view are those of the author, and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the Ministry of Citizenship and Immigration, Government of Canada.

It is a subject which regularly graces the front pages and editorials of our mass media -- blaming immigrants for domestic disorder (Adelman, 1994). Some even go so far as to blame immigrants not only for crime, especially violent crime, but for the murdering of children, the decline of educational standards, and the problems of inner cities (Canadian Press, 1995). These criticisms are nothing new, and have been heard for decades (Steinberg, 1989; Friedland, 1984; Thorner & Watson, 1981), if not centuries (Fairchild, 1919; Wickersham Commission, 1931; U.S. Congress, 1856; Brown, 1969; Hoffmann & Hoffmann, 1993). Indeed, the subject of immigration and crime has been of interest to criminology since the turn of the century.

This paper presents a critical review of the contemporary research literature on the connection between immigration and crime. Our primary focus is to study the criminogenic involvement of landed immigrants -- those who have been granted legal status to reside in their new country or who have otherwise become citizens, but who were born elsewhere. As we will see, however, not all of the available research conforms to this definition. Further, this review will focus on readily available, empirical studies from Canada, the United States, Europe, and Australia. 1

We therefore begin with the general involvement of immigrants in criminal activity, focusing first on Canada; then on Australia, the United States and, finally Europe.

Canadian Crime: Immigrant versus Native-born

The earliest study of general crime statistics was conducted by Vallee and Schwartz (1957,1961), who examined convictions for indictable offenses, males aged 15 through 49, for the period 1951-1954. At that time, court officials were required to note the birthplace of the accused; though there is no indication of how accurate these notations might have been. Overall, the conviction rate of the foreign- born was about half that of native-born Canadians (42.8 persons per 10,000 contrasted with 86.6 persons).

With respect to particular offenses, this same ratio generally remained the same -- except for homicide and vice. The rate for homicide was about the same for both groups, and the foreign-born exceeded their native-born counterparts in convictions for gambling and lottery offenses. In this latter offense category, males with Asian birthplaces predominated.

Giffen (1976) analyzed conviction statistics from the Province of Ontario (year:1969) and came to a similar conclusion: the foreign-born were less likely to be convicted of an indictable offense than the native-born. However, birthplace was only reported for slightly more than one-third of those convicted, thus diminishing the validity of the findings. Further analysis of adjudicated delinquency rates for 1951 and 1961 suggested that second generation immigrant children had lower rates than native Canadians. No data were reported for crimes of violence.

While the above studies focused on conviction statistics for indictable offenses, Ross (1974) further narrowed the parameters by only examining the conviction rate for immigrants who had been in Canada for less than five (5) years. Using national data from 1966 to 1969, he found that only 1 to 2 percent of those convicted were immigrants compared to their percentage in the population, which ranged from 3.1 to 4.3 percent. Unfortunately, a number of respondents did not state their country of birth or length of residence; and some data for 1968 and 1969 were missing (notably Quebec and Alberta). Furthermore, no results were reported by offense; so there are no data disaggregated for crimes of violence. Ross concluded, however, that immigrants accounted for only a small proportion of crime committed in Canada; and their involvement in serious crime was less than their numbers in the general population.

The most recent study of this perennial question was completed by Thomas (1993), and represents one of two Canadian studies using prison data. He examined commitment statistics from the Canadian federal prison system for the year 1991. Thomas found that the rate of federal imprisonment for the foreign-born was 5.5 per 10,000 population, contrasted with 10.6 for native-born Canadians. However, the rates for Latin American and Caribbean inmates were higher (14 and 18 per 10,000 population, respectively). With respect to offense patterns, the foreign-born were over-represented in narcotics offenses. They were also somewhat over-represented for extortion, counseling murder, and prostitution -- though relatively few inmates were committed to the penitentiary for these offenses. Thus, based on federal prison data, there is no evidence that immigrants contribute disproportionately to rates of violence in Canada. Of some interest, the majority (60 percent) of foreign-born inmates have become Canadian citizens. Another 18 percent are landed immigrants. The remainder (22 percent) consist of illegal aliens, refugee claimants, temporary visa holders, or visitors. Consequently, this residual category only represents 1 out of very 5 foreign-born inmates in the federal system.

In a similar vein, Gordon and Nelson (1996) studied the inmate population in the Province of British Columbia, circa 1993. They found that immigrants were significantly under-represented in the provincial jail population (11 percent versus 22 percent in the general population). Indeed, they concluded that only one (1%) percent of the inmate population could be described as "newly arrived" immigrants -- those in Canada for one year or less (1996:237).

Anthropologist Frances Henry (1994) provides some additional context for the finding that men of Caribbean origin are over-represented in the federal penitentiaries. In her ethnographic study of the Caribbean community in Toronto, Ontario, Henry (1994:191) found a significant criminal subculture consisting largely of young Caribbean immigrants,

the products of single mothers and absent fathers, living in subsidized housing, and experiencing school difficulties and failures leading to dropping out of school.

This type of "hustling," in Henry's opinion, must be seen as a form of survival strategy for young men who have been marginalized from mainstream values and institutions. Thus, the Caribbean community in Toronto believes it is subject to patterns of systemic racism by Canadian society (Commission on Systemic Racism, 1994). This explains the marginalization of young Black males (Richmond, 1989) and the choice of a small minority to engage in drug trafficking. The unanticipated effect of this structural reality is to convince the public that "Black equals crime," thus racializing the crime problem and giving support for xenophobic campaigns against the Caribbean immigrant community.

The most recent report by the Commission on Systemic Racism in the Ontario Criminal Justice System (1995) provides some additional support for these trends. For instance, Blacks are 27 times more likely as whites to be imprisoned before trial on drug charges, and twenty (20) times more likely to be imprisoned for drug possession charges. Unfortunately, no information is provided about nativity, so it is not known how many Black suspects are immigrants or illegal aliens. On the other hand, some racial groups have much lower imprisonment rates than whites. Those of Arab, East Indian, or Asian extraction had imprisonment rates about half that of whites (1995:90).

Robinson's (1992) study of the early Ukrainian colony of immigrants in central Alberta, circa 1915-1929, is unique if only because the colony had a reputation for lawlessness and immorality. Many in the dominant WASP society believed that the community suffered from a high rate of crime, and usually blamed immigrants (Thorner & Watson, 1981). However, imprisonment figures show that Ukrainians made up about 15 percent of the population in the north-central part of Alberta, but contributed only about 10 percent of the prisoner population (Robinson, 1992:63). These findings are dramatic in light of the colony's poverty (many inmates were jailed for failure to pay fines) as well as overt discrimination against Ukrainians by the judicial system.

Where crime rates were particularly high, they reflected aspects peculiar to Ukrainian rural life. For instance, the stealing of grain and farm tools was typical for theft offenses in the impoverished colony (1992:69). Having examined common assault, aggravated assault, manslaughter, and murder; Robinson concluded that "it does not appear that the Ukrainian settlers committed more violent crimes than typical Albertans in the pre-Depression period." (74) This was not necessarily true, however, for homicide.

Between 1919 and 1930, roughly 11.5 percent of Alberta's murder and manslaughter cases...involved a Ukrainian defendant or a Ukrainian suspect from east central Alberta -- at a time when the Ukrainian population of the bloc and its borderlands constituted about 7 percent of the total population of the province (1992: 242-243).

A contributing factor, having nothing to do with ethnicity, was population distribution. Males between the ages of 16 and 29 accounted for a relatively large proportion of Ukrainians (66).

Nevertheless, Ukrainians were easily provoked into violence, and tended to use house-hold weapons (not firearms or guns) more often than the average Albertan.<<2>> Apparently, many of these assaults took place during weddings, church services, and funerals. Robinson concludes that this proclivity toward anger may have been a result of the violence perpetrated upon Ukrainian peasants during serfdom in the pre-1848 Austrian Empire. This, in combination with local moonshine and two groups of roughnecks, contributed to the appearance of an excessively violent community.

Francois Ribordy's (1971, 1972, 1980) dissertation on the Italian colony in Montreal, circa 1967, is the only study to examine arrest rates. Rather than defining his subjects according to their immigration status or country of birth, Ribordy concentrates on ethnicity (i.e., being Italian). Based on arrest statistics for those age 18 or older, Ribordy found that the arrest rate of Italians living in Montreal was about seven times lower than that for the general population (1.17 per 10,000 population versus 9.97). Italians had lower arrest rates for all offenses (including crimes of violence), except for gambling -- where their rate was more than three times higher than that of the general population. Indeed, about 70 percent of the arrests were for gambling, traffic offenses, and disorderly conduct. This lead Ribordy to conclude that these crimes, especially gambling, represent "cultural" violations for Italians (Sellin, 1938).

Ribordy also interviewed 84 Italians arrested by the Montreal police in 1967. He concluded that the more serious crime was committed by Italians who were experiencing a process of "deculturation." In other words, their assimilation into Canadian society had lead to a diminution of traditional, Italian immigrant values. Of related interest was Ribordy's finding that the arrest rate is lowest at the center of the Italian colony in Montreal, and rises proportionally as one approaches its periphery.

The earliest Canadian study of juvenile delinquency among immigrant groups was undertaken by a juvenile court judge in Vancouver. Judge MacGill (1938) studied juvenile court records in Vancouver over a nine-year period (1928- 1936), and concluded that the "non-oriental" rate of formal delinquency was about 15 times higher than that of orientals. Here again, there is no definitive indication that these oriental youth were immigrants. Nevertheless, MacGill believed that most of the youth were Asian immigrants, and further concluded that they lived in depressed areas of greater Vancouver. As to why oriental families had such a low rate of delinquency, MacGill (1938:434) hypothesized that "the explanation seems to lie in the strong family system of both China and Japan, which operates to control and dominate the individual." Indeed, in the few instances of oriental delinquency, crimes of violence were noticeably absent (435).

A more recent ethnographic study of four immigrant youth gangs in the Chinatown region of Vancouver (1975-1979) was conducted by Joe and Robinson (1980). All of the gang members were recent immigrants from Hong Kong who were experiencing assimilation problems due to a breakdown of traditional Chinese kinship and family structures, exacerbated by failure in the English-based school system. As a result, these youth had turned to extortion, shoplifting, possession of illegal weapons, fighting, and trafficking in soft drugs. Nevertheless, by the end of the 5-year study period, most of the "gang" members had disbanded to pursue employment or school. A few had joined older, adult criminal groups.

Indeed, when immigrant delinquents are compared to native Canadian delinquents in a Toronto Family Court Clinic sample, Black immigrant youth were more likely to have been separated from their parents, failed in school, and had a prior record of delinquency (Martin & White, 1988). As we will shortly see, these findings suggest that it is not ethnicity or immigration that are criminogenic, but a breakdown in assimilation and social structure (i.e., school failure, poverty, family dysfunction).

Finally, the history of Canadian immigration teaches us that this subject, immigrants and crime, has been associated with moral entrepreneurship and xenophobia. Ajzenstadt (1992:162) in her dissertation on the development of alcohol legislation in British Columbia (1871-1925), notes that

Immigrants were portrayed as potential sources of physical and mental sickness which could infect Canadian citizens. These calls were founded on a combination of moral values, economic anxiety, racism, "nativism" and scientific logic....Discriminatory attitudes toward racial minorities had been already expressed in the past. Natives and Orientals were described as morally inferior to members of the white race. This racist portrayal paved the way for calls to prohibit these people from consuming or distributing alcohol.

Much as a result, immigrants (particularly those from south-east Europe) were subject to medical examinations to detect alcoholism. Orientals were not permitted to participate in the liquor trade, and immigrant families were subject to various educational campaigns to foster temperance (1992:255).

Indeed, when Whittingham (1981:87) looked at the history of crime and correctional reform in Ontario, 1831 to 1954, he found that Irish immigrants were seemingly over- represented in commitments to Kingston Penitentiary, circa 1835-1857. Most of these inmates had been employed as laborers, and had committed property offenses. The concentration of Irish immigrants in urban areas, the conflict between Catholicism and Upper Canadian Protestantism, and occasional mob violence strengthened the perceived association between Irish ethnicity and crime (93).

The socioeconomic dislocations produced by the major influx of immigrants, particularly the impoverished Irish in the late 1840's, as well as the depressions of 1837, 1873 to 1896, and the 1930s, appear to have produced "crises" in the social solidarity base of Ontario. These events resulted in the exercise of repressive justice and the increased labeling of offenders, which decreased in times of improved economic conditions (104-105).

Notwithstanding steady increases in indictable offenses from 1830 to 1950, there was no real epidemic. The expansion of imprisonment and social control were conditioned by factors other than the level of serious crime. During periods of immigration and economic recession, this lead to repressive measures and resulting "crime waves."

Prominent in campaigns to rescue immigrants from the perceived problems of immorality and heathanism was the Presbyterian Church of Canada (Owen, 1984). The huge wave of immigration just prior to World War I generated fear among white Anglo-Saxons who were convinced that these "inferior" races represented both an economic as well as moral threat -- largely because many were non-Christian and non-English (45). Thus, prejudice against ethnic "foreigners" remained virulent throughout this era. Immigrants were identified as a "threat to the realization of their vision and [they] reacted by demanding that the newcomers conform to their way of life or their entry be restricted" (49).

Research in Australia, America, and Europe Australia

The first empirical treatment of the crime and immigrant question appeared in a series of reports by the Commonwealth Immigration Advisory Council (1952, 1955, 1957). These reports found that immigrants were under-represented in conviction rates by a ratio of 5.7 convictions per 1,000 adult Australians versus 3.9 for immigrants (1952). The recidivism rate for immigrants was about half that of the Australian-born (Borowski & Thomas, 1994:638). This early finding was surprising because Australia had absorbed about half a million immigrants following World War 11 -- many of whom were in the "crime- prone years," male, and unmarried (Francis, 1986). Of special interest in the later reports (1955, 1957) was the finding that the rate of immigrant crime had further decreased in comparison with that of natives (Francis, 1981:56-58).

Francis (1972,1981) studied imprisonment data from the largest Australian state, New South Wales, circa 1901-1966. In studying goal admissions for the year 1901, Francis (1981) concluded that all immigrant groups (except those from Europe) had lower admission rates than the native-born (which included persons from New Zealand). This trend was especially true (even for Europeans) in higher court prosecutions.

According to prison statistics (which encompassed more serious offenses than goal figures), offenders from New Zealand had the highest imprisonment rate per 100,000 (1981: 177) followed by the Yugoslavics and Germans. All other immigrant groups had lower rates than native Australians. Nevertheless, even the slightly higher rates for immigrants from Yugoslavia and Germany may be misleading. Together, they consisted of only three percent of total prison admissions.

Francis' (1981:183) study of High Court convictions in New South Wales confirms the above tendency. It indicates that most immigrant groups have the same (or lower conviction) rates than native Australians, with the exception of those born in New Zealand and Yugoslavia (both of which are higher). Thus, a 1974 (1981:97) census of all prisoners throughout Australia found that Australian-born offenders were more likely to be incarcerated than those born overseas (138 per 100,000 population versus 87 per 100,000). Data on juvenile offenders and juvenile incarceration rates are also consistent with this trend (99). Finally, Francis examined the differences between first (immigrant) and second- generation born -- in other words, the Australian-born children of immigrants. Here too, he found (1981:138) that first generation immigrants had a rate of imprisonment half that of native Australians. The rate for children of immigrant parents was considerably less than that for native-Australians, but higher than the rate for their foreign-born parents. This, Francis concluded, was consistent with the theory of "culture conflict" propounded by Sellin (1938).

More recent statistics are available from Hazlehurst (1987), although they largely mirror the findings of Francis (1981). Some highlights include: the rate of imprisonment for Australian-born inmates exceeds that of immigrants; and offending rates tend to increase with length of stay in Australia. Among those specific immigrant groups that are over-represented in prison statistics -- such as from New Zealand, Yugoslavia, and the Middle East -- there is a positive correlation to unemployment and age differentiation. Thus, these high offending groups suffer from higher unemployment, while others with low offending rates (Greek and Italians) show the lowest unemployment rates. Further, New Zealand, Yugoslav, and Middle-Eastern prisoners are younger than other immigrant groups in prison, with the youngest being Australian-born.

Easteal's (1989) study of Vietnamese refugees in New South Wales offers some important insight into the question of immigration and juvenile delinquency. Like previous researchers, Easteal found that the delinquency rate for Vietnamese minors (ages 10-17) was lower -- almost half -- than that of non-Vietnamese youth. The delinquency rate for unaccompanied Vietnamese minors was even lower than for those arriving with their parents. Among young adults, ages 18-24, offense rates had increased from 1985 to 1987, but were still far less than the rates for their non-Vietnamese counterparts. She concluded that Vietnamese youth are clearly a "lower crime risk group."

According to recent surveys, somewhere between one quarter (25%) to one-third (33%) of all homicides in Australia occur between spouses, including common-law arrangements (Easteal, 1993). Within this category, various researchers have found new migrants (particularly from southern European countries) to be over-represented as perpetrators of domestic homicides (Wallace, 1986; Easteal, 1993 ; Polk & Ranson, 1991). However, these findings are suspect when one realizes that in about one-third of the homicides studies, data was missing for nativity. Further, when aboriginal and non-aboriginal, native Australians are considered, they outnumber immigrant perpetrators.

We conclude Australia with Berthier's (1990) study of immigrants from southeast Asia and the Pacific islands. Here, Berthier focuses on arrest figures for a municipality, specifically Brisbane, Australia. Data from 1980 to 1987 indicate that both groups are under-represented in arrest statistics based on their general proportion in the population. Furthermore, the vast majority of arrests (81 percent) are for drunk driving, petty theft, and order offenses (obscene language, urinating in public, loud noise, etc.). In summary, Berthier observes (1990:18):

Due to economic, social and political instability, migrants may be used as scapegoats and prejudged as having a high crime rate. The media may play a role in these perceptions and attitudes towards migrants, and in the criminal labeling process.

United States

In a similar vein, the research in the United States and Australia mirrors the findings from Canada. Sutherland and Cressey, in their Principles of Criminology have concluded that rates of arrest and imprisonment for immigrants are approximately half as high as that of the native-born (Sutherland & Cressey, 1960:144; Taft, 1956:154; Van Vechten, 1941).

When dissected further, however, rates of criminality vary by ethnicity as well as type of crime. In the United States during the early 20's and 30's, Italian immigrants had an extraordinarily high rate of conviction for homicide, but low rates for drunkenness arrests (Sutherland & Cressey, 1960: 145). Analyzing such differences, both Sutherland and Sellin argued that various ethnic groups brought with them cultural predispositions toward certain types of criminality.

The data presented here and the findings of a number of other studies show that while most foreign-born groups do not come into contact with the law as frequently as the native-born, some have much higher rates than the latter. Furthermore, even when the rates may be low for most offenses attributable to a group, they may be extremely high for a few crimes. (Sellin, 1938: 78)

Thus, Van Vechten (1941) concluded that the foreign-born were under-represented in U.S. prisons (1938 data) by a ratio of 1:2. However, when disaggregated by age, there were slightly more foreign-born inmates than native-born in the 15-29 age category, a finding largely influenced by there being few foreign-born men under age 30 in the total population.

Further, as assimilation occurs, an immigrant group tends to take on the crime rate of their adopted country. Thus, there are often dramatic differences between first and second generation immigrants. In general, second-generation immigrants tend to have higher rates of delinquency than their parents (Stofflet, 1941). For instance, U.S. census data for imprisonment in 1890 found that the children of immigrants had a higher rate of imprisonment than children of native-born parents (Hart, 1896). This pattern did not hold for all states; and, in fact, the imprisonment rates for children of immigrants were lower in the Northern States, out West, and in the North Atlantic. An exception was data on Irish immigrants in New York City (1908-1909), and state prison commitments (Italian parentage) for Massachusetts, circa 1914-1922. In both instances, the second generation had lower rates of conviction for homicide, or commitment to state prison for homicide/assault, than their foreign-born parents (Sutherland & Cressey, 1960: 146-7). Indeed, Von Hentig (1945) examined imprisonment rates and concluded that second generation offspring, both of whose parents were immigrants, had higher commitment rates than those of the second generation of mixed parentage (one native-born, the other an immigrant).

Hourwich (1912) analyzed New York State prison statistics and concluded, contrary to political folklore, that a slight decrease in imprisonment occurred (1902-1903) at exactly a time of high immigration to New York. He further showed that from 1830 to 1905, the rate of conviction in New York per 100,000 population had not increased dramatically, despite massive immigration to the state in the late 19th century. Of some interest was a study of consecutive admissions to Sing Sing prison circa 1916-17 (Claghorn, 1917-18). Most of the immigrants admitted to Sing Sing were Italians and Russians, a large portion of whom were unemployed, illiterate, and developmentally-delayed. An examination of arrest statistics in Buffalo, New York, from 1854 to 1956, concluded that immigrants were not a significant factor; native-born "white Americans committed over 90 percent of the offenses in the 110 years covered by the present study" (Powell, 1966:166). Indeed, reported crime declined in Buffalo (between 1880 and 1905) at a time when immigration from eastern and southern Europe was most pronounced.

In major metropolitan areas, immigrants were associated with high rates of crime (Taft, 1933, 1936). The now classic work of Shaw and McKay (1969) found urban crime in America to be concentrated in certain depressed areas, largely populated by immigrants and southern Blacks. However, in interpreting this phenomenon, Shaw and McKay concluded that within "the same type of social area, the foreign born and the natives, recent immigrant nationalities, and older immigrants produce very similar rates of delinquents" (1969: 160). Thus in an earlier study of delinquency for the Wickersham Commission, Shaw and McKay (1931) find that the rate of delinquency in Chicago among children of foreign-born parents was almost twice as high as that for children of native-born parents (5.0 vs. 2.9). For these researchers, however, the question was not ethnicity or immigration, but what aspects of social disorganization produced such high rates of crime. Thus, Wood (1947) found a very low crime rate among a Slavic colony in Wisconsin, which he attributed to their cultural protectiveness and more favorable social integration. In contrast, he found that American Indians, who were socially disadvantaged on most indices, displayed very high rates of criminal behavior. Harold Ross (1937) would conclude that because the European immigrant was forced, due to poverty, to live in disorganized slum areas, their children suffered from the cultural dissonance of this environment. Nevertheless, some immigrant colonies operated to shield their members from delinquency (Zorbaugh, 1929). Echoing the work of Ribordy (1971) on the Italian colony in Montreal, Beynon (1935) found that the percentage of adjudicated juvenile delinquents was considerably higher among youngsters who lived outside the Hungarian colony in Detroit (1927-1932). A similar conclusion was reached by Lind (1930) in his study of a Japanese colony in the city of Honolulu, Hawaii, circa 1927-1928.

One of the earliest government reports on the matter arose from the studies of the United States Immigration Commission (1911). Contrary to the anti-immigrant tenor of America in the early 1900's, the Commission found that the rate of crime among native-born Americans exceeded that of immigrants (p.1). In a similar vein, the second generation of immigrants generally experienced higher rates of offending than their parents (more property crimes). This finding did not always hold for all offenses, however. For example, among the Irish in New York, circa 1908-1909, the second generation tended to commit fewer crimes of personal violence than those born overseas (p.14). Taft (1933) argued that it was misleading to compare the crime rates of immigrants and native-born persons, because this comparison often included the native-born children of immigrants in the "native" category. Thus, Taft and others argued that immigration did tend to increase crime, but largely through the assimilation problems of the off-spring, not the original immigrants themselves.

Reflecting a historical pattern, the Commission found that certain immigrant groups experienced differential rates of offense involvement. As a percentage of crime, for example, Italians in New York and Chicago were more often involved in homicide than native Americans (p.22). Italians also had higher rates of involvement for blackmail and extortion, undoubtedly reflecting cultural factors endemic to southern Europe. Unfortunately, this early report was not rate-based (per population), nor were there any corrections for age of the relative populations. In addition, much of the data upon which the Commission based its conclusions came from New York and Chicago, two cities that had experienced very high rates of immigration at the turn of the century, This meant that factors such as urban geography or poverty had not been considered. As we shall later see, one of the conclusions of much research in this area is that the criminality of immigrants may be more a factor of poverty than country of birth or ethnicity (Taft, 1956: 153).

Kitano (1967,1969) found in his study of Japanese immigrants to America that from 1890 to 1960, the rate of adult Japanese crime was lower that non-Japanese rates (Fujimoto, 1975); that Japanese delinquency is lower; but that the second and third generation Japanese-Americans do exhibit higher rates -- the highest being third generation children around the crime-prone years (15-24).

Nelli (1969: 384), in his study of Italian involvement in Chicago crime, circa 1913, reported that the foreign-born were vastly under-represented for both adult arrests and convictions for serious felonies. Although these immigrants represented 54 percent of the male population, age 21 or older in Chicago; they accounted for only about 34-35 percent of all arrests and convictions.

One of the early birth cohort studies of delinquency has recently been re-analyzed by McCord (1995). Examining 366 father-son pairs living in high-crime sectors of Cambridge and Somerville, Massachusetts; each pair was followed for their criminal convictions over a lifetime, or until they reached the age of forty. This is one of the few studies which controls for socio-economic class -- the entire sample was poor. Among violent felony convictions, neither immigrant fathers nor their sons were more likely to be convicted than their native-born comparison group (McCord, 1995: 74-75). Immigrant fathers were statistically less likely to be convicted of serious property offenses; although their second-generation sons displayed a higher conviction rate than their fathers. Nevertheless, McCord (1995:75) concluded that none "of the comparisons showed that immigrants or their sons were more likely to be convicted for crimes than were native-born men and their sons."

Monkkonen's (1995) analysis of New York City homicide statistics between 1800 and 1874 suggests wide variability in rates. Setting the rate of homicide for native-born whites at 1.0, the ratios for various immigrant groups were: 0.8 Irish; 0.9 Germans; 2.0 African-Americans; 15.0 Italians; and 0.7 for all foreign-born (1995: 107). However, Monkkonen admits that these figures suffer from reporting problems, and must be adjusted for the age-sex populations at risk.

The publication of the Wickersham Commission (1931) reports on crime and law enforcement have largely been ignored in contemporary criminology. In its report titled Crime and the Foreign Born, the Commission documented the long history (dating back to pre-revolutionary America) of public xenophobia against immigrants. This was largely due to the propensity of the British government to transport some of its convicts to America (Ekirch, 1987); as well as the fact that many "black sheep of good families were sent to the colonies to get rid of them" (1931:23). Nevertheless, as the Commission noted (1931: 72):

However, in attempting to attribute criminality to any particular immigrant group, it is important to remember that there has been in this country in each period of our history much reckless and prejudiced criticism of one or another of our various immigrant groups. At the present time this criticism is directed toward the Mexican, recently the Italian has been bitterly attacked, but during the period preceding and immediately following the Civil War such criticism was visited upon the Irish.

Thus, in the Commission's study of arrest, conviction, and imprisonment statistics, "the foreign born commit considerably fewer crimes than the native born" (1931:400). Indeed, only in the area of homicide did the arrest rate for the foreign born approximate that of native-born Americans. A portion of Table V (1931: 116-117) illustrates these findings for serious offenses:

Arrest Rate per 10,000 male population, 15 years and older, for Detroit, Los Angeles, Cleveland, Buffalo, and Cincinnati (1929-1930)
	Total for 5 Cities
Part I Offenses	Native White	Foreign- Born
Murder/Manslaughter	1.4	1.1
Rape	3.3	1.1
Robbery	13.5	2.8
Agg. Assault	4.3	3.0
Burglary	17.1	3.5
Larceny	31.2	12.6
Auto Theft	11.9	2.1
Total	83.9	26.5

Similar findings persisted when conviction or imprisonment data was examined, although there was considerable variation among some immigrant groups, over time as well as across cities. With respect to Mexicans, the data collected by the Commission made it "impossible to determine whether or not Mexicans commit more crimes than do the native white" (1931:412). This was largely because population figures were not available to correct for age and sex ratios. Where the raw statistics showed a greater propensity for violence among Mexicans, the Commission (p.412) concluded that

the character of crimes committed by Mexicans points to a definite and serious conflict between customs and habits acquired in Mexico and legal codes applied in the United States, rather than to any innate criminal tendency as a basic factor; and that the Mexicans, when accused of crime, are probably at a greater disadvantage than other foreign-born white individuals, having to suffer from a racial prejudice that is very real in certain regions, in addition to the handicaps under which all immigrants labor in common.

In summary, the Commission concluded that the constant attacks on immigrants for American's crime problems have never been justified by empirical data (416). Instead, America has preferred to blame the immigrant for domestic turmoil rather than admit that problems of assimilation may be more related to "our own mistakes and failures" (1931: 416).

More recently, the U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics (1993:8) reported that about four (4%) percent of state prison inmates were not U.S. citizens. The vast majority (over 80 percent) come from Latin countries in the West Indies, central, and south Americas (Clark, 1992). However, no comparison data are presented to evaluate the percent of non-U.S. citizens in the general population, controlling for sex and age distributions; nor is information available by country of birth. Data from San Diego, California, and El Paso, Texas (both border towns to Mexico), indicate that 12- 15 percent of felony arrestees were illegal aliens. Only 2 percent of arrestees in San Diego -- 7 percent in El Paso -- were legal immigrants (Pennell, et. al., 1989). As of 1992, foreign-born inmates comprised twelve (12%) of the state prison population in New York. Most of their commitments are for either a violent or drug offense (New York State, 1993).

Among federal prisoners, the number of non-citizens sentenced to federal custody increased by 600 percent from Fiscal Year 1980 to 1988; compared to an overall increase of 83 percent for all sentenced prisoners (Karacki, et.al., 1989). Thus, non-citizens comprised about 17 percent of the federal prison population as of 1988. Four-fifths of this population comes from Mexico, Central and South America,and the Caribbean islands; and about three-fourths of all convicted non-citizens have been imprisoned for drug offenses.

United Kingdom

Some early studies of Irish involvement in London robberies found that young Irishmen were over-represented by "about three and a half times in 1950 and six and a half times in 1957" (Bottoms, 1967: 360; McClintock & Gibson, 1961). However, this general finding did not consider that most men of Irish descent in London were young and single, and therefore in the crime-prone age bracket. A further finding which undermined this conclusion was the low percentage involvement of the Irish in London robberies. Thus, in 1950, only 12 of some 166 persons convicted of robbery were born in Ireland (p.358). Notwithstanding the above, available evidence surveyed by Bottoms did confirm that the Irish are over-represented as recidivists and as inmates in Her Majesty's prisons. Mannhein (1965:542) found further evidence of a high crime rate among Irish immigrants in Liverpool, but blamed it more on unemployment and the docks system rather than ethnicity.

With respect to immigrants from other Commonwealth countries, Bottoms (1967) found that their crime rates tended to be low, except in the violent crime category where domestic disputes predominated (p.381). Gibbens and Prince (1962) found that immigrants from Europe (especially) were over-represented in shoplifting offenses. An important contribution to the ecological literature on immigration and crime was made by Wallis and Maliphant (1967), when they concluded that a rapid influx of immigrants was significantly associated with a rise in the crime rate. No such relationship was found in settled immigrant communities.

During the late sixties, Lambert (1970) and his colleagues examined crime statistics in the city of Birmingham, England. In particular, he focused on one police division within the city of Birmingham, where most immigrants reside. Mirroring the findings of Shaw and McKay (1969), Lambert found that immigrants, especially persons of color, lived in those parts of central Birmingham characterized by high rates of crime and disorder (122-123). Nevertheless, "colored immigrants are very much less involved in the crime and disorder that surround them ... than their white neighbors." (124) For indictable offenses, nationals from other parts of Great Britain, as well as the Irish, were disproportionately arrested. A similar pattern was found for delinquents. This lead Lambert (1970: 284) to conclude:

Immigrant areas are areas of high crime; immigrants are not, in the main, responsible for that crime. The danger is that the disorder and crime are a lasting and permanent threat to immigrants and their families. Quite simply, there is a danger of contamination. Conditions not of the immigrants' creating, processes not of the immigrants' controlling, differentially associate immigrants with factors threatening their security as families and stability as communities: one of these is crime.

Nevertheless, a large study of delinquency based on self-reports among 14-21-year-olds concluded that Blacks (African and Caribbean origin) were not more criminogenic than native-born whites (Bowing, et.al., 1994). Respondents from India, Pakistan, or Bangladesh were considerably less delinquent; and Asian delinquency was too small to be reported. Not surprisingly, a study of juvenile delinquency in the city of Bradford found that Asian, Indian, and Pakistanis youth had a rate of prosecution that was one-third that of non-Asian youth (McCulloch & Batta, 1979).

In 1979, the Home Office Research Unit published a study of race and arrest statistics, focusing on major urban centers that exhibited a high proportion of immigrants born outside the United Kingdom (Stevens & Willis, 1979). First, this work found no correlation between rates of arrest for indictable crimes and the proportion of West Indian or Asians living in those jurisdictions. Focusing on arrest statistics in 1975, Stevens and Willis found that Blacks (West Indians or Africans) were over-represented in all categories of serious crime, and especially for assault, robbery, and other violent theft (15-17). However, like many studies using arrest statistics, the data merely identify race, not nationality or county of birth. Thus, it is not clear whether many of these arrestees were actually second generation immigrants, or first-generation immigrants who came to England when they were infants.

When statistical controls were introduced to adjust for age and sex differences in the population, the Asian group had a lower arrest rate per 100,000 population. The Black group remained dramatically higher than the white arrest rate. However, statistical equations incorporating rates of unemployment, youth in the population, percent of homeowners, and income were operationalized for census areas and arrest statistics. Here, these indices explained over 80 percent of the variation in Black arrests for assaults; 77 percent of robbery arrests; and 59 percent of other indictable arrests (53-56). This lead Stevens and Willis (1979:41) to conclude that the differences "between white, black, and Asian arrest rates have therefore been largely, but not wholly, statistically accounted for by demographic and socio-economic characteristics." In addition, the legacy of racial discrimination against Blacks in Great Britain may be an additional factor in this equation (Richmond, 1971).

A more recent study from the Home Office (Great Britain, 1992) surveyed much of the literature since the early 1980's. First, immigrant populations are generally younger than native-born whites; their families have more children and much higher unemployment rates. Second, Afro- Caribbeans were more likely to be stopped by the police than whites. Further, Afro-Caribbeans were over-represented in arrest rates, court convictions, and imprisonment figures. However, it is not clear whether this refers to first- generation immigrants, the second-generation, or those who came to England when they were infants and therefore have been socialized in their host country.

Continental Europe

The situation in Europe has produced all together different variations in the immigrant crime pattern. An early study by Tarde (1895) showed a much higher rate of crime by immigrants than by native-born Frenchmen. Similarly, Szabo (1960) found that this ratio was highly dependent upon urbanization. In the cities, the ratio of immigrant crime to that of native-born was higher; however, in rural France, the opposite was true. A pre-1970 study by Robert (1970) and colleagues found that only North African immigrants and Belgians had a higher crime rate than the native-French born. The Spanish, Italians, and the Poles actually had a lower rate than the French.

A more recent analysis of immigrant crime in France by Jackson (1995:348) found that while immigrants account for about 8 percent of the population (circa 1990), they represent about "15 percent of those charged with theft; about 13 percent of those charged with violent crime; and 29 percent of those charged with violating drug laws and disturbing the peace." Furthermore, immigrants made up 30 percent of the French penal population in 1990. None of these statistics, however, have been corrected for age and sex distributions in the population. In addition, a sizable portion of this figure represents foreigners who have been imprisoned for illegal immigration only, rather than for domestic crime (Tournier & Robert, 1989). This issue has also become highly politicized, with the National Front party running on a platform which blamed immigrants for France's crime problem (Guyomarch, 1991). In addition, since foreigners are more likely to be detained pending trial, this naturally inflates their imprisonment rates. Echoing the finding by Szabo above, Jackson noted that this immigrant-native dichotomy is especially high in large, urban centers were immigrants live in depressed housing and social conditions. This disproportion largely disappears in rural areas of France where immigrant populations are less prevalent. She concluded that these findings are more a function of inner-city disorganization, class conflict, and competition for scarce employment than immigration per se.

An early study of Italian migrant workers (temporary visas) in Zurich found that the general crime rate for Italians was lower than for Swiss nationals, and that the crimes were less serious -- despite considerable hostility towards these migrants and much scrutiny by the police (Ferracuti, 1968a:205). This finding was remarkable in light of the relatively young age of these Italian workers and their occupations as service workers (hotels, restaurants, maids, etc.). Similar studies were conducted in Liege, Dusseldorf, and West Germany, and concluded that the migrant groups do not commit more crimes than the native-born. However, as Ferracuti (1968a:206) notes, many of these studies do not utilize statistical controls for comparison purposes. When such controls are introduced, as in the table below by Zimmermann (1966), they suggest many of the same patterns by crime and ethnic group earlier observed by American criminologist Edwin Sutherland (1947). In this table, the population figures are adjusted such that crime committed by Germans is designated as 100 for 1965:

CRIME	Germans	Italians	Greeks	Spaniards	Turks
All Crimes	100	50	72	32	88
Murder	100	133	66	66	366
Att. Murder	100	133	183	83	517
Sex. Assault	100	250	150	50	100
Assault	100	112	139	75	287
Rape	100	123	150	63	323
Child Mol.	100	163	115	63	160
Robbery	100	69	77	46	163
Thefts	100	69	86	54	59
Qualified Theft	100	31	28	23	18
Fraud	100	23	38	11	50

As we can see, the rates for the various migrant groups are lower than native-born German, primarily due to property offenses. There is considerable variation within groups, especially for assault and murder (or attempted murder). However, these high rates may be a function of a small number of offenses in the total number of violent crimes.

A further study summarized by Ferracuti (1968a: 208) finds that, overall, foreign workers had a higher rate of crimes per 100,000 than the general Swiss population (441 vs.315). However, when broken down by nationality, Austrians and Germans had higher rates than the other ethnic groups. The data, however, were not corrected for sex and age differences. Such was not the case in a study of Italians in Geneva, which concluded that they had low crime rates compared with other ethnic groups (Ferracuti, 1968a:209). A more recent (1992) study of delinquency used self-report methodology; it found that Swiss-born youth between the ages of 14 and 21 were more involved in property and drug offenses than foreign-born youth (Killias, et. al., 1994). There was no statistical difference between these two groups for violent offenses.

Sveri's (1966) study of crime rates among different nationality groups found a wide variation in Sweden (with Hungarians and Yugoslavs at the top, and Italians and Austrians at the bottom). Brand-Koolen (1985, 1987) found immigrants to be vastly over-represented in Dutch criminal statistics: in the early 1980's, immigrants made up about 19 percent of all court cases, and about one-third of all inmates in long-term prisons. Nevertheless, immigrants represented only about four (4) percent of the total population in the Netherlands. Circa 1985, Junger and Polder (1992) took random samples of four ethnic groups (ages 12-17), controlling for socio-economic backgrounds and neighborhood. This study found that Moroccan, Turk, and Surinamese youth were more likely to be arrested by the police than native-born Dutch teenagers. However, a more recent survey of delinquency using a self-report instrument found that ethnicity was largely unrelated to criminal offenses (Terlouw & Bruinsma, 1994). Indeed, for drug offenses, the Dutch-born were the most frequent offenders.

Killias' extensive (1989) review of the literature on European juvenile delinquency found that second-generation immigrant teenagers (born in their adopted country but of one or more immigrant parents) engage in more crime than the native-born, controlling for sex and age distributions. However, this finding only applies to boys; and not to Asians, who universally seem to have lower offense rates. Moreover, when Tas Junger (1977) studied self-reported delinquency in a small Belgian town; the foreign-born children of migrant workers reported less delinquency than their Belgian-born comparison group, with the exception of assault. A more recent sample, taken in the metropolitan area of Liege, Belgium, circa 1992; came to a similar conclusion (Born & Gavray, 1994). Those between the ages of 14 and 21 with Belgium-born fathers were more likely to self-report acts of theft and violence. Minor offenses and drug use was more prevalent among those with a foreign-born father.

German crime statistics for a 30-year period (1960 to 1990) have recently been analyzed by Chilton (et.al, 1995) and his colleagues. Unlike the United States, "crime suspects" in Germany are identified by nationality. Using detailed population figures for 1978, 1984, and 1990; Chilton and his colleagues were able to adjust crime suspect rates by sex and age. To quote their findings (1995:330):

In 1963, the total suspect rate for non- Germans was over twice that of Germans. By 1990, it was over four times as high.

With respect to incarceration rates, the rate for German-born men went from 113 to 116 per 100,000 (1978-1990), a three percent (3%) increase. The imprisonment rate for non- Germans increased sharply -- from 9 to 95 per 100,000. However, it is still less than the rate for German males (338). In trying to explain this finding, Chilton found that non-German migrants have lower incomes than Germans and appear to be stigmatized, much like Afro-Americans in the United States. They often live in the poorest sections of urban Germany, and are perceived as threats during times of economic instability.

In a similar vein, Albrecht (1987) found wide disparities between Germans and foreign-born immigrants in his detailed study of 1982 crime statistics. The foreign- born were twice as likely to be convicted of serious offenses, including drugs, than native Germans; and almost three-times as likely to be considered suspects. Albrecht argued, however, that such differences must take into account the depressed marginality of migrants vis-a-vis native Germans. When those differences are controlled, the contrast between foreign and native criminality largely disappears (1987:281-282) Thus, a recent (1992) study of self-reported delinquency in the German city of Mannheim came to opposite conclusions (Sutterer & Karger, 1994). German youth (ages 14-21) were more likely to be involved in property, violent, and drug offenses than non-Germans.

Organized Crime

In the field of organized criminal activity, there is clear evidence of immigrant participation, if not domination of specific markets. Thus, Ianni (1972, 1974) has documented how organized crime served as a "queer ladder" of social mobility for various immigrant groups in the United States (O'Kane, 1992). Ivan Light (1977) documents the involvement of Chinese immigrants in the vice industry (chiefly prostitution) at the turn of the century, 1880-1944. Here, Chinese entrepreneurs ran brothels which were largely patronized by white, native-born males. The crucial element of organized crime was the spatial organization of the vice industry in "red light" districts, and an imbalance in the sex ratio. Thus, "American society channeled disadvantaged minorities into illegal industries." (475) Nativity, however, was of marginal relevance in explaining this early pattern of Chinese organized crime.

More recent histories have documented Italian immigrant involvement in Black Hand extortion schemes (Pitkin & Cordasco, 1977), as well as the traditional history of Italian involvement in the Mafia (Dubro, 1985; Nelli, 1976; Albini, 1971). Nevertheless, there is evidence of other ethnic involvement in organized crime, including the Irish, Jews, Puerto Ricans, Russians, Albanians, and Chinese (Hoffman, 1992; Booth, 1990; Block & Chambliss, 1981; Chin, 1990; Joselit, 1983). More recently, other immigrant groups have emerged, including Jamaican Posses (Jahnke, 1987), Columbian drug cartels (Florez & Boyce, 1990), Nigerian crime networks (Jones, 1993), and Asian Tongs (Dubro, 1992).

For instance, it was recently reported that nationals from the Dominican Republic are active in organized drug trafficking, especially in the New York City area (Garrido, 1992). Further, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS, 1994) reports that immigrants from Romania and Russia have entered Canada with the help of sophisticated smuggling rings, most recently as stowaways on cargo ships. In the late 1950's, Hawkins (1972) documented the organized smuggling of Chinese immigrants to Canada from Hong Kong; and there are reports that such smuggling continues today.

Unfortunately, the vast majority of these reports are anecdotal, with no controls for population distribution by sex, age, or nativity. We really do not know how many participants in organized crime are immigrants, or whether immigrants really monopolize a criminal market. Most academic studies of organized crime have refuted the proposition that this form of crime is an "immigrant conspiracy" (Bergesen, 1979; Pearce & Woodiwiss, 1993; Block & Chambliss, 1981; Doleschal, et.al., 1981; Smith, 1976; Potter & Jenkins, 1985; Potter, 1994). Thus, one early 1930 study of 108 "kingpins" of the Chicago underworld concluded that 31 percent where American-born Italians, 29 percent were Irish, and twenty (20%) percent were Jewish (Nelli, 1969:390). Clearly, few of these participants were "true" immigrants. Indeed, the early history of organized crime in Chicago suggests that an Irish gambler, Michael McDonald, dominated the city from 1879 to the early 1900's (Landesco, 1929). The evidence suggests that organized crime groups can not operate very effectively, nor for long periods; without political and police corruption, patronage by native-born clients, and participation by native-born conspirators.

Summary

The association between crime and immigration is a phenomenon of longstanding passion in North America, Europe, and Australia. Koenig (1969:139) observes that in the United States "Each successive wave of immigration was, in turn, considered as a menace to the welfare of the nation, as consisting of individuals who are hopeless as far as assimilation is concerned."

The reality is that, for a number of reasons, first-generation immigrants generally have lower propensities for crime than their native-born counterparts. Included among these are that immigrants are generally older than the crime-prone generation (15-24); often better educated, better employed; desirous of assimilation, and mindful of the customs of their birth country. Thus, as Ferracuti (1968:194) noted, generalizations "about the high level of criminality of foreigners are often a cover for the expression of xenophobic feelings, along the same lines as the more frequent statements about the danger of economic damage to local workers or as other biased expressions of hostility." Indeed, the history of the United States is testimony to using the "fear of crime" as a basis to pass anti-immigrant legislation -- even when there was little if any statistical proof for the alleged relationship (Annals, 1966; Mirande, 1987; Wickersham Commission, 1931). Even in Europe there is evidence of persistent anti-immigrant feelings ings, often linked to the "crime" nexus (Halman, 1994; Björgo & Witte, 1993).

Part of the problem in making definite conclusions about the nexus between immigration and crime is simply a question of measurement. Are the reported differences between the foreign-and-native-born more a product of age differentiation, percent males in the population, education, employment, or poverty (Council of Europe, 1975; Geis & Jesilow, 1988; Albrecht, 1995)? If so, and the evidence noted above seems to point in this direction, then ethnicity is largely a moot question. Unless the distinctions are of extreme magnitude and likely to persist, "it matters little if members of one group or the other show somewhat varying crime rates" (Geis & Jesilow, 1988:179). In a similar fashion, other researchers quoted above have noted how important it is to adjust statistical comparisons for age and sex populations, or poverty indices. Thus, we have cited examples were an immigrant group has a high arrest/sentence /prison rate; but likewise, a disproportionate number of males of the crime-prone years in their small population. Indeed, at the societal level, factors such as urbanization, divorce rates, population density, and poverty seem to explain most of the variation in rates of both violent and property crime (Kposowa, Breault & Harrison, 1995). Albrecht (1995:25) cites a recent study in Germany where the overall offender rate for immigrants was 5.6 times that of native German rate. However, when controls were introduced for permanent residence, age, and sex (excluding pure immigration law violators); this ratio decreased to 2.2:1.

Prison statistics often present the same problem, especially when several years worth of data are sampled. Geis and Jesilow (1988:182-183) remark, that

calculating percentages of prisoners by ethnicity on an annual basis overlooks the distortive effect of long sentences. A person with a 20-year period of incarceration will be counted 20 times, while the short-termer will be tallied for only a few years.

Furthermore, because arrest, disposition, and prison figures do not include the "unapprehended," it is a dubious proposition to assume that none of these agents are unbiased. Thus, Brown and Warner (1992) have shown that drunkenness arrests were correlated to percent foreign-born among American cities. By rigorously enforcing drunknessness laws, the police were used by native-born elites to control the perceived threat posed by immigrants. Indeed, if we believe the vignettes of immigrants, they regard the justice system as very biased. In Europe, this perception is noted by Tournier and Robert (1989):

In France, the battle against illegal immigration has become a top government priority and has escalated as forces of the extreme right focus their criticism and attacks on foreigners. The police have found that foreigners make easy targets because they are a highly visible and vulnerable population: conspicuous in appearance, often unemployed, poorly educated, and inadequately housed. Further, illegal immigrants can often be prosecuted for several offenses simultaneously.

More pointedly, Carr-Hill (1987) argues that one cannot properly interpret the higher "crime rate" of migrants in France without understanding the "Algerian" war of independence and how it has affected both the police and the resulting hostility toward migrants among the French public. Further caution must be exercised concerning delinquency rates of the foreign-born in France and Germany, since arrests and imprisonment for illegal immigration alone artificially inflate the overall figures. In Germany, the issue must be further understood in the context of changing immigration patterns, xenophobia, and the marginalization of immigrants who face barriers to integration (Maier-Katkin, et.al, 1995; Wrench & Solomos, 1993). Indeed, all figures for Continental Europe are somewhat distorted, as "guest- laborers" are often deported instead of being processed through the criminal justice system.

The same cannot always be said for second and third generation children of immigrants, who often experience severe, cultural marginality in their adopted country (Zielyk, 1975). Indeed, one of the universal findings of this meta-survey is that the children of immigrants (native- born but whose parents are immigrants) have much more serious crime problems than their parents. In Europe there is substantial evidence that second-generation immigrant youth experience much higher rates of arrest and prosecution than their non-ethnic counterparts. Thus, Schneider (1995:101) hypothesizes that this results from cultural anomie, when second-generation immigrant children come into conflict with the traditional customs of their parents.

The children are no longer able to identify with their parents. Tensions and quarrels ensue in the family. Parental authority is being questioned... Many children are incapable of coming to terms with the conflicting norms and of integrating them into their personality...Parents lose control over their children who join a group of delinquents of the same age, in which they get acquainted with delinquent behaviour patterns and models.

Nevertheless, the precursors to this behavior look very much like the classic causes of delinquency: poverty, racism, school failure, unemployment, family disorganization, drug addiction, and the like. Perhaps this is more a comment on the host country than on immigration per se.

In conclusion, Francis (1986:149) summarizes the literature with this comment: "It would be felicitous to be able to record that current evidence suggest we ought to be able to dispense with the immigrant criminal myth. However, as one reviewer put it, such popular demonologies seem able to survive any amount of exorcism."

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ENDNOTES

1.

The research methodology consisted of computerized search of the NCJRS (National Criminal Justice Reference Service, U.S.) as well as Criminal Justice Abstracts. The search strategy included aliens, immigrants, immigration, foreign born, and migrants. Further searching was conducted through the aid of several universities noted in the acknowledgments, as well as the National Library of Canada, the research library of the Solicitor General of Canada, and the library of Citizenship & Immigration Canada.

2.

This was a typical cultural pattern observed in Poland, Yugoslavia, and Croatia, according to Prof. Tadeusz Grygier.

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| Summary of Findings | | Acknowledgements | |Immigrants and Criminality | |Bibliography |
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